Politics
“Our Time for Leadership”: EP President Metsola at the World Leaders Forum
Thank you, President Shafik for that kind introduction.
Good afternoon everyone.
Let me say how honoured I am to be here, to be invited to one of the greatest universities in the world, to speak to you about leadership. About how the world needs Europe and the United States to keep stepping up. About how leadership is about people – about you – more than it is about institutions. And about how the geo-political realities we now face mean we are being called upon to plot a path to a future that is more uncertain than it was a few years ago.
I am the youngest ever President of the European Parliament. I am part of the generation, who were sitting on my parents lap as the Berlin Wall came down, who watched Tiananmen Square on grainy TV screens, who just remember the collapse of the USSR and unbridled joy of millions of Europeans finally free after half a century to determine their own destinies – who reaped all the benefits of the victory of liberal democracy in a new world.
In Europe and the US, mine is the last generation who remembers a world when liberal democracy was not a given. We believed that our way won – and that our victory would last forever. We believed that our way would define the new world order. When the world’s blocs were dismantled, we believed that democracy, freedom, rule of law, cooperation would herald a new age of global trade, of individual rights and liberties.
We believed we could outrun and outgrow any threats to our way of life. Perhaps we grew a little too complacent, a little too comfortable.
Last year we understood, in the most brutal of manners, just how painfully true that was. When Russian tanks rolled into sovereign independent Ukraine, looting, raping, murdering. The world changed. Forever.
We understood on that fateful day that we must lead in this new world. The United States and Europe have many faults, many things that need improving, but despite everything they stand as enduring symbol of our way of life – as a bastion of liberty and freedom, and if we do not fulfil our inherited duty to lead, then someone else, with a very different valueset to ours will.
That’s a responsibility that weighs heavily. We have and we must continue to take the decisions that necessary. Difficult decisions. Decisions like opening our doors and our markets to countries like Ukraine and Moldova or countries in the Western Balkans. Decisions like supplying weapons to Ukraine.
A little over twenty years ago, there was a huge discussion in Europe on whether ten countries should join the European Union. I was still a student, studying the ins and outs of politics, but with an ironclad belief in the transformational powers of Europe. It was never about creating everyone in the same likeness. Rather it was a core belief that in unity, even and especially in all our diversity, there is strength. It was about our security, about opportunity and the comfort of belonging. To us, it meant everything.
That is the spirit that drives our outlook today. Even with all our imperfections, there are still so many people around the world who live under the yoke of oppression for whom the European Union has not lost its shine. For whom the United States will always be a natural ally.
The geopolitical sands are shifting. We have Putin’s tanks on independent and sovereign Ukraine; Lukashenko persecuting, imprisoning, torturing people for their democratic beliefs; China that has risen with a value system that is different to ours; India on the rise; Afghanistan collapsing back into disarray; Iran stirring up the Middle East and propping up Russia; East and Central Africa at boiling point; and South America facing new and old economic challenges.
The EU and the US are two of the strongest economic blocs on the planet. Our transatlantic relationship is a vital artery of the global economy. But our true strength lies in something far deeper than that. We share a dream. We share values.
The world cannot thrive on imbalances. We need to build a global democratic alliance of trusted partners and friends.
The same responsibility that we felt and delivered when we were called upon to stand with Ukraine. We matched our rhetoric, with action, with real and tangible support. Together we enacted hard-hitting sanctions that have decreased Russia’s oil and gas revenues by almost 50%. And it is still decreasing. We have shown that we can react and adapt under an immense amount of pressure. That our way of life and our way of doing things does work, that our values matter, that it is worth it.
These relationships and principles have stood the test of time, only if we continue to work together, to lead together, if we are to beat the tests of today. Too many of our people are still struggling to make ends meet, too many women still face the thickest of glass ceilings, too many of our young people still face a completely uncertain future. Climate change continues to have devastating impacts on lives, livelihoods and our environment. The digital revolution is developing faster than we are able to regulate it responsibly. We must continue to keep our people’s concerns at the centre of all our actions.
Our next steps will be defined on how able we are to remain competitive. How can we create jobs and futures with dignity. How can we push back against inflation wiping value of assets without making it impossible for young people to buy a home. How can we ensure that the digital transition makes it easier for our companies to innovate. One where sure, you might fail. But one that then also makes it easier for you to get back up again.
In the European Union, we have started putting the building blocks in place. Take for example our Chips Act, our Digital Services and Digital Markets Acts. We are now working on the world’s first comprehensive, pro-innovation Artificial Intelligence Act. In all these ground breaking pieces of legislation, we managed to find a balance between innovation and business to flourish, keeping people safe online and setting standards that the rest of the world will inevitably follow.
It has not been easy. The European Union, unlike the United States, is composed of twenty-seven sovereign countries, each with different regulatory frameworks, constitutions, languages and interests that do not always necessarily align. But it is precisely within this melting point of ideas, that we can find the best solutions that work for all.
Of course, investment requires funding – public funding. How do we grow our economies – and pay back our debts – how do we ensure that we have the ability and liquidity to fund the solutions that are demanded of us? The answer is real, sustainable, economic growth.
I have always seen the green transition as an integral part of that sustainable growth strategy. It is not just an obligation, but an investment in our economies too. But in order for it to work, it needs to place the human at its centre. It needs to be human-centric, it must provide real incentives and safety nets for industry and it must be ambitious enough to address the very real climate emergency we are in. It must meet the targets of the Paris Agreement. But it must also work for people.
When it comes to addressing climate change, we need to move away from a binary way of thinking. We can be the most climate ambitious continents and at the same time aim to be the most competitive, innovative and business friendly ones too. But the only way to do that…is to keep speaking to people – and more than speak – to listen. This is how we avoid people from retreating to the political fringes, which offer up easy answers to very difficult questions. It is up to us to be the drivers of a clean-tech revolution and I am convinced that we can do this in a way that leaves no one behind.
In fact, in the European Union we have already made significant headway. We have implemented a vast reform of our Emissions Trading System, which is a market-based solution incentivising companies to limit their emissions by putting a price on carbon. We also established a carbon border tax to create a level-playing field for our companies and agreed to establish a Social Climate Fund that will aid both companies and households limit their emissions.
These efforts are already bearing fruit. Since last year, we have had good increases of solar power and wind power instalments in Europe – 47% solar and 30% wind, to be exact. Despite problems with supply chains after a devastating pandemic and challenging economic conditions, Europe is well on the way to achieving climate neutrality by 2050.
Allow me a moment on defence.
The concept of security, if we have learned something over the past year and a half, necessitates a new perception. It is no longer just about conventional means of warfare. Putin has weaponised information, energy, food, even people, in an attempt to crush Ukrainian resistance and to weaken the West’s support. The time is now for the European Union and NATO to reinforce the pillars of their cooperation. It is about supporting peace, real peace with liberty. It is about protecting our people. It is about defending our values.
One appeal to you. I came here today to invite you to lead. To feel that sense of urgency. Rabbi Jonathan Sacks once wrote “Not all of us have power. But we all have influence, whether we seek it or not… There is quiet leadership of influence that seeks no power, but changes lives. In tough times we need it more than ever.”
The world needs what you, students have to offer. Your knowledge, your skill, your drive, your grit, your leadership. You will need to be prepared to encounter, like I did, a couple of cynics along the way. But every generation has been underestimated until it has proven itself in front of the world.
Whether it is in politics, in the medical field, in science, in tech, in academia, I wholeheartedly believe in your endless potential to help make our world a little bit better, a little bit safer and a little bit more equal. To bring our world a little closer to how it ought to be.
Friends, it is now our time for leadership and we cannot be found wanting.
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Politics
Interview with La Tribune Dimanche
Interview with Christine Lagarde, President of the ECB, conducted by Marie-Pierre Gröndahl on 8 May 2025
18 May 2025
The new US President’s first 100 days in office have been a period of economic and financial chaos. What’s the best response to all of this chaos and disruption?
President Trump taking office changed the state of play in three key areas at once: the economy, politics and defence. These have been three key pillars of international cooperation in the increasingly globalised world of recent decades. But this is an opportunity more than a threat – Europe is needed now more than ever. European leaders have to seize this opportunity and speed up the process of deepening the European Union. As we see our reliance on others in the areas of energy, defence and finance being questioned, we need to work together. These are public goods and require coordinated action at the European level. None of the countries in the euro area would be able to tackle the challenges in these three areas on their own.
Can the EU manage to do so?
The EU brings together 450 million people whose purchasing power per capita, standard of living and productivity are lower than in the United States. But the EU also has undeniable strengths and capabilities, starting with the often overlooked fact that our largest trading partner is in fact the EU itself, not the United States. Europe has no option but to rise to this challenge. Just as we are seeing how the rule of law, the courts and trade rules are being challenged in the United States, and how uncertainty is a constant and seems to be renewed every day, Europe is quite rightly seen as a stable economic and political region with a solid currency and an independent central bank. It’s impressive to see that in a period of uncertainty, when the US dollar would usually have strengthened significantly, the opposite has happened and the euro has strengthened compared with the US dollar.
Why?
It is counter-intuitive but can be explained by the level of uncertainty and the fact that some parts of the financial markets are losing confidence in US policies.
How can the EU react to the increase in tariffs announced by Donald Trump?
It needs to have a strong hand should negotiations prove unsuccessful. This means it needs to have identified the relevant sectors, regions, amounts and percentages to be able to determine the retaliatory measures that are available. From a business perspective, it has to negotiate, consider the room for manoeuvre, understand what the other side wants and see whether an agreement can be reached. The fact that the European Commission is seeking common ground with other countries, in Latin America for example, but also India, Indonesia and countries in South-East Asia, is also very relevant.
Can Europe emerge united?
It depends partly on the global challenges we are facing. If all European countries were facing external threats, they would need to take a leap forward together. NATO has so far been working very well in helping to protect Europe. We have now all understood that there was a need to build a common European defence mechanism together. Shared threats can give rise to shared initiatives, as we saw with the Next Generation EU borrowing during the pandemic. “Let’s share our best elements and enrich ourselves with our mutual differences”, as the great European Paul Valéry said.
Many French and European business leaders are disappointed that the recommendations in Mario Draghi’s report have not been acted on. They have also criticised over-regulation in Europe. Do they have a point?
They’re being slightly unfair. It’s true that progress towards greater European integration over the past 50 years has also led to a build-up of regulation. But legislative initiatives like the “Omnibus” packages, which combine multiple amendments or revisions, have kept coming over the past few months. There is political will to reduce reporting obligations and increase efficiency, but this can’t be done overnight. Politicians have a very important role to play here.
The Franco-German relationship is considered to be a driving force of the EU, but it seemed to be losing momentum in recent years. Will the arrival of a new German Chancellor change things?
The meeting between Emmanuel Macron and Friedrich Merz on 7 May sends a very strong signal. As does the announcement by the new Chancellor of a €500 billion infrastructure investment programme, in addition to a significant increase in defence spending. This is a major change for Germany. This Franco-German partnership, without which few initiatives would get off the ground, seems committed to acting together. Certain projects, like the capital markets union, had been on hold for a few years because the Franco-German partnership wasn’t working so well. These two leaders understood that it would be necessary to mobilise funds at the European level and build platforms to attract those who want to invest in it. And there are many who want to.
What needs to be done to stop a large proportion of European savings from being invested in the United States?
We need to create European solutions that help us avoid the type of dependence we had for energy, particularly for payment infrastructures and the digital euro. The major payment providers, which account for just over 60% of the market, are not European. Digital payment systems do exist in some EU countries, but none have pan-European reach. The European Parliament needs to act on the draft legislation that has been under discussion since July. I think there is the political momentum for things to move a bit faster. The digital euro is a topic that the ECB is working on jointly with the Parliament, which has to approve the project. On our side, as of October we will be technically ready to complete the preparations to implement and gradually scale up the project.
Can Europe catch up in these two areas?
Definitely. We need to develop a smart regulatory framework. Europe is not the Wild West. For the digital euro and the capital markets union, the groundswell is the strongest I’ve seen in the six years I have been at the ECB. We also need to harmonise supervision, like we have successfully done for banking.
Does this period worry you?
I’m not at all pessimistic. In Europe, employment is holding up, purchasing power is increasing and inflation is falling. Consumption and investment should pick up again, even if the uncertainty sparked by the US Administration’s announcements is weighing on confidence and holding back that recovery. However, I think we need to demonstrate a shared desire to free ourselves from the energy, military and financial dependencies we naively lulled ourselves into. It’s a rude awakening, but we can rise to the challenge – Europe has already partially shown that by diversifying its energy supply sources. And we should further reduce gas supplies that come from Russia. I am intentionally being positive, because I also think that’s the approach we have to take. Europeans tend to be less optimistic than Americans – I’ve spent enough time living in the United States to be able to say that with at least a small amount of credibility. We tend to approach things more critically. But being positive certainly does not mean ignoring the reality of the situation.
Precisely, the falsehoods are piling up, including where economics is concerned. How does one fight against this phenomenon?
It’s another challenge we’re being confronted with – what is and isn’t true. We should all check facts and figures, and the authenticity of everything that is reported. Journalists have a fundamental duty in this regard.
Is globalisation being called into question?
I think globalisation has had an underlying legitimacy issue for a long time. Even though it has been very beneficial for some countries and has saved hundreds of millions of people from famine, it has also followed, perhaps too closely, a logic of cost reduction, efficiency and fragmentation. And that’s without considering the issues of deindustrialisation and the impoverishment of certain regions or geographical areas that have been tragically affected by it. These issues have of course been exploited for electoral gain. But they should nevertheless give us cause to rethink how our economic relations, our supply sources and our payment infrastructures are organised, also with the aim of preserving the European social model, which is more protective than others.
The IMF has recently published some fairly negative forecasts for France in terms of debt reduction and the deficit. What is your opinion?
Every country, no matter its debt level or its deficit-to-GDP ratio, can decide to set its public finances on a new trajectory. In European fora, such as ECOFIN [the Economic and Financial Affairs configuration of the Council of the EU] or the Eurogroup, the French authorities have expressed their determination to reduce the budget deficit and the debt level. These intentions must become reality. It’s a question of credibility – a question that every country is facing.
The US President has attacked both the strategy of the Federal Reserve and its Chair, Jay Powell, on several occasions. Would such a thing be conceivable in Europe?
The independence of the European Central Bank is guaranteed by the Treaties. So no, that would not be possible. Central bank independence is fundamental if a country, or group of countries, is to have a healthy monetary and financial system. It has never ended well when a central bank has found itself under the thumb of a fiscal authority.
Politics
In a New Chapter in EU Enlargement Antonio Costa Reinforces Commitment to Western Balkans Amid Albanian Momentum
TIRANA — In a clear signal of the European Union’s renewed resolve on enlargement, European Council President António Costa concluded a strategic tour of the Western Balkans with a high-profile visit to Albania on May 15, 2025. Speaking at a joint press conference with Prime Minister Edi Rama following recent parliamentary elections that saw Rama secure yet another decisive victory, Costa declared that “Albania is on track to join the European Union” and affirmed that the EU’s expansion into the region represents “the most important geopolitical investment we are doing.”
The timing of Costa’s remarks is significant. After years of stalled progress and skepticism surrounding the credibility of EU enlargement, particularly during the turmoil of Brexit and the migration crisis, the bloc appears to be recalibrating its focus toward the Western Balkans — not only as a moral imperative but as a strategic necessity.
A Geopolitical Imperative
Costa’s statement that the enlargement process is the EU’s “most important geopolitical investment” marks a shift from previous cautious tones, especially compared to the lukewarm approach taken by some member states in recent years. The context for this urgency is multifaceted: Russia’s ongoing war in Ukraine has reinvigorated Eastern Europe’s desire for closer EU integration, while China’s growing influence in Southeastern Europe through infrastructure investments and trade agreements has raised concerns within Brussels.
In this light, Albania — along with Serbia, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo — represents both a frontier of democracy and a buffer against external interference. By anchoring these nations more firmly within the EU’s orbit, the bloc aims to stabilize a historically volatile region and ensure long-term security and prosperity.
Albania’s Moment?
Prime Minister Edi Rama’s landslide electoral victory this week was hailed by Costa as further evidence of Albania’s popular commitment to EU integration. “The result of the elections this week re-confirms the desire of Albanians for European Union integration,” Costa said, extending his congratulations to Rama.
This sentiment resonates with many Albanian citizens who have long viewed EU membership as a pathway to economic development, institutional reform, and regional stability. However, some critics argue that Rama’s continued dominance — now entering its fourth term — raises concerns about democratic backsliding, including issues related to media freedom and political polarization.
Still, Costa emphasized that the accession process is no longer a matter of “if” or “how,” but rather “when.” This framing reflects a broader consensus emerging within the EU leadership that the time is ripe for accelerated negotiations — provided key reforms are implemented.
Reform Remains the Linchpin
Despite the optimism, Costa did not shy away from issuing a challenge to Albania’s government: “You know exactly what needs to be done; I can only encourage you to keep your eyes on the objective and deliver on these last milestones.”
Chief among those priorities remain the rule of law, judicial independence, and the fight against corruption — areas where Albania has made progress but still faces criticism from watchdog groups and the European Commission alike. The country opened formal accession negotiations in March 2024, becoming the first Western Balkan nation to do so under the revised enlargement methodology introduced in 2020.
To bolster cooperation, the EU and Albania launched their first-ever Security and Defence Dialogue earlier this year, underscoring a shared interest in addressing hybrid threats, cyber insecurity, and regional defense coordination. As Costa noted, “We stand together on the global stage,” signaling that Albania’s future role in European security architecture will be central to its integration process.
Tirana Steps onto the European Stage
Another highlight of Costa’s visit was the upcoming European Political Community (EPC) summit, set to take place in Tirana on May 16 — the first such meeting ever hosted in the Western Balkans. Welcoming over 40 European leaders, the EPC gathering will provide Albania with an unprecedented platform to showcase its readiness for deeper European integration.
Costa praised the organization of the event, calling it “impressive,” and used the occasion to commend former EU High Representative Federica Mogherini for spearheading the establishment of a new campus of the College of Europe in Tirana. Named after EU icon Jacques Delors, the inaugural class — the “Jacques Delors Promotion” — symbolizes more than academic collaboration; it represents the EU’s investment in cultivating a new generation of European-minded leaders in the region.
“Europe is not only about prosperity, it is not only about values. Europe needs faith for the future, for our common future together,” Costa reflected, emphasizing the emotional and ideological dimensions of enlargement.
Looking Ahead: A Legacy in the Making
Costa’s reference to 1992 — when the Maastricht Treaty formally established the European Union — was a deliberate nod to the transformative potential of the moment. Just as the early 1990s marked a turning point for European unity post-Cold War, the current juncture may well define the next era of European integration.
With Albania poised to become the first Western Balkan country to join the EU in the coming decade, the path forward remains challenging but increasingly plausible. If successful, it could catalyze momentum across the region, offering hope to millions in neighboring countries still waiting for their own invitations to join the European family.
As Costa put it, echoing both history and aspiration: “It is the moment, like it was in ’92, to make another big step.” And in this race toward Europe, Albania, for now, seems to be leading the pack.
During his visit to the Western Balkans, European Council President António Costa met with Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama in Tirana. At the joint press conference, he reaffirmed the EU’s strong commitment to Albania’s accession, praised the country’s reform progress, and commended its role in hosting the upcoming European Political Community summit. He also welcomed the opening of a College of Europe campus in Tirana, highlighting Albania’s deepening ties with the EU.
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Politics
EU Unveils Major Agricultural Reform to Boost Competitiveness and Ease Burden on Farmers
In a significant move aimed at revitalizing the European agricultural sector, the European Commission has unveiled a comprehensive package of reforms designed to simplify the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and enhance the competitiveness of farmers across the bloc. Announced on May 14, 2025, the new measures target administrative inefficiencies, streamline regulatory requirements, and improve crisis response mechanisms — all while delivering substantial cost savings and greater flexibility for both farmers and national administrations.
A Bold Step Toward Simplification
The reform package is part of the European Union’s broader effort to reduce red tape and support economic resilience, as outlined in the Competitiveness Compass . By simplifying rules and procedures, the Commission aims to make agriculture more attractive, especially to small-scale and young farmers, while also promoting sustainability and digital innovation.
According to the Commission, these changes could save up to €1.58 billion annually for farmers and €210 million for national authorities , freeing up resources that can be reinvested into farm development, environmental protection, and rural economies.
Key Highlights of the Reform Package
Simplified Payment Scheme for Small Farmers
One of the most notable changes is the doubling of the annual lump-sum payment limit for small farmers from €1,250 to €2,500 . This measure is intended to:
- Promote a fairer distribution of CAP support,
- Encourage economic vitality in rural areas,
- Reduce bureaucratic obligations for small farms and public authorities alike.
Small farmers benefiting from this scheme will also be exempt from certain environmental conditionality rules, although they may still receive eco-scheme payments for adopting environmentally friendly practices.
Easier Environmental Compliance
To reflect the diversity of farming practices and regional conditions, the Commission is introducing more flexible environmental requirements:
- Certified organic farms will automatically meet some EU environmental standards.
- Farmers involved in protecting peatlands and wetlands under GAEC 2 will receive incentives and support to comply with stricter national regulations.
This approach ensures that farmers are rewarded fairly for their environmental stewardship without being overwhelmed by overlapping or redundant rules.
Modernized Controls Using Technology
The use of satellite data and other digital tools will significantly reduce the need for on-site inspections. Under the new framework:
- Each farm will undergo only one on-the-spot check per year , minimizing disruption and saving time for both farmers and inspectors.
This shift reflects the EU’s commitment to leveraging technology to improve efficiency and transparency in agricultural monitoring.
Enhanced Crisis Response Tools
Farmers facing natural disasters, animal diseases, or market shocks will benefit from more accessible and flexible crisis management instruments:
- New crisis payments will be available through CAP Strategic Plans.
- Member States will have greater autonomy to adjust their plans, provided they obtain prior approval from the Commission for strategic amendments.
These changes aim to ensure faster, more targeted support during emergencies, strengthening the resilience of Europe’s agricultural sector.
Digitalization and Interoperability
The Commission is pushing forward with its “report once, use multiple times ” principle, encouraging national administrations to develop integrated digital systems. This means:
- Farmers will submit data only once through a centralized system.
- The same data will be used across different reporting requirements, reducing duplication and improving efficiency.
Additionally, small farmers will gain easier access to funding through a new lump-sum grant of up to €50,000 to help modernize their operations and improve competitiveness.
Looking Ahead: A Broader Agenda for Regulatory Reform
This CAP simplification package builds on earlier reforms introduced in 2024 and aligns with the Commission’s Vision for Agriculture and Food , launched in February 2025. It is also part of a wider cross-sectoral initiative aimed at cutting unnecessary bureaucracy across the EU economy.
The legislative proposal will now be submitted to the European Parliament and Council for adoption. Later this year, the Commission plans to introduce further simplification measures targeting non-agricultural policies that impact farmers and agri-food businesses.
As part of its current mandate, the Commission has committed to achieving a 25% reduction in overall administrative burdens and 35% for SMEs , ensuring that EU rules remain effective but not overly burdensome.
Conclusion: Farming for the Future
With today’s announcement, the European Commission has taken a decisive step toward creating a more agile, farmer-friendly, and sustainable agricultural policy. By easing compliance, supporting innovation, and empowering small producers, the EU is laying the groundwork for a stronger, more resilient farming sector capable of meeting future challenges — from climate change to global market volatility.
For Europe’s farmers, the message is clear: the road ahead will be less bureaucratic, more supportive, and increasingly aligned with the realities of modern agriculture.
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