Africa

[Feature] Why Algeria Lacks A Tourism Industry

Published

2 years ago

May 18, 2023

[feature]-why-algeria-lacks-a-tourism-industry

Algeria is probably one of the richest countries to visit in the world. It does not only host the vast majority of the Great Sahara Desert, covering over 80 percent of the country’s total surface, but it is also home to an incredible coastline, and most importantly, to a wealth of centuries-old historical artefacts dating back all the way to the Berber, the Phoenician, the Roman, or the Muslim Almovarid and Fatimid empires.

If similar features have provided neighbouring Morocco and Tunisia with a bomb of tourism, with the number of tourists pre-Covid reaching 13 million in a single year to the former; Algeria only received two million by the end of 2019. Nadine Benmokhtari, who has lived his whole life in Algiers, says that if you visited Algeria “you would not see a trace of tourists, only Algerians”.

Why would a country with so much tourism potential remain unseen by the eyes of the world? The response is multi-faceted, and it mostly has to do with the political history of the country. However, to start, it was not always like this.

Caught between wars

“In the past, there were tourists, and they came from all parts of the world,” professor Yahia Zoubir tells EUobserver. Zoubir is a professor of international relations and international management, as well as a researcher in geopolitics at KEDGE Business School. During the 1970s and 1980s, he used to work as a tour guide at the Algerian Tourism Agency (ATA) as he finished his studies. He would remember that, at the time “cruise ships would arrive at the port of Algiers full of tourists, and we would pick them up and take them to the Roman ruins and nearby spots”.

At that time, Algeria was almost just like all its neighbours: developing from scratch an industry that required great investments in a type of infrastructure that had never interested the colonial rulers occupying them. In Algeria, the effort was even greater.

While Morocco and Tunisia acquired their independence by 1956, Algerians suffered one of the longest and most violent independence struggles in history, ranging from 1954 up to 1962: an eight-year war that left Algeria physically and morally destroyed.

While during the 1970s and 1980s tourism started flourishing, putting the country on track with the rest of the developing world; by 1988, the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN)’s misgovernance sparked a movement of protests that would force the government to allow democratic elections in 1991. The electoral defeat of the FLN by political Islam would lead to a cancellation of the electoral results and the start of, once again, a years-long armed struggle — now internal — and to an emergence of terrorist activity throughout the country.

For tour guide Omar Dib, who has worked for eight years in the tourist sector in the areas of Tamanrasset and Djanet, it was mainly the period of the Civil War (1991-2002) that put Algeria’s tourism infrastructure behind.

However, 21 years after the conflict, and having put an end to the terrorist activity that used to endanger foreigners in the country, Algeria is far from the tourist spot it once was and could be. Infrastructure still remains a problem, closely followed by the visa process.

‘There is simply no political will to open the country to the rest of the world’

For most nationalities, visiting neighbouring countries such as Morocco or Tunisia does not require any preparatory procedure: they are visa-free for a limited time frame. Other regional tourist spots such as Egypt or Jordan benefit from an eVisa or Visa-Upon-Arrival system. In Algeria, in contrast, almost all nationalities have to apply for a tourist visa: a procedure that is lengthy, complicated, and not always with success guaranteed.

Thanks to pressure exerted by the local tourism sector, which had for years been asking for a facilitation of the process, visas upon arrival have started to be introduced, as part of a new type of visa devoted to those wanting to visit the south alone, says Omar.

Djanet Desert, Algeria (Photo: Yahia Zoubir)

Those interested in visiting the desert will now be able to, through the help of a travel agency, easily get a visa for the strict duration of their stay. Nonetheless, the urban areas of the North will remain under the lengthy and bureaucratic conventional procedure.

For Nadine Benmokhtari, a Franco-Algerian artist and professor who requested us to use this pseudonym to protect his identity, the reason behind the government rendering foreign tourism so difficult is part of a political strategy to isolate Algerians from the outside world.

“There is simply no political will to open the country to the rest of the world”, claims Nadine. “After all, when a regime is closed, it is easier to control its society. The fact that the average Algerian does not mix with people from other cultures, renders it more difficult for them to think about their rights, for them to think in complete freedom: opening would risk altering the system”.

Nadine’s view reminds us of the current political situation in Algeria. After a wave of protests in 2019 that sought to challenge the electoral candidacy of Abdelaziz Bouteflika for the fifth time, the regime only evolved towards a phase that, according to professor Mouloud Boumghar is “much more authoritarian than before”.

This alleged unwillingness to open the country to the world in order to isolate the Algerian population from the outside is not new. Professor Yahia Zoubir talks about the role of the Islamists during the last four decades, who they claim were saying that “we do not want to be like Tunisia, Morocco or Egypt, with their tonnes of tourists, especially Westerners, bringing their values, their nudity…”.

An important factor here is that Algeria can ignore the economic incentives for tourism because it benefits from a source of rent that makes the country able to neglect all other sectors: oil and gas.

Relieved by foreign rent

Occupying the 11th position in the Worldometer gas-per-country index, and 16th when it comes to oil; Algeria represents one of the most important natural resource hubs for the world. In 2011, when Algeria was finally ready to go back to tourism after recovering from the civil war, oil and gas resources accounted for 98 percent of the country’s exports, with the hydrocarbon sector representing up to 45 percent of total GDP, according to the International Monetary Fund.

As professor Zoubir already put it 20 years ago in his paper on ‘The Political Economy of Tourism in Algeria’, “Algeria’s hydrocarbon wealth spared the country from relying on sectors such as tourism for national development”. This, coupled with an already existing aversion towards opening the country following religious and political goals, would create the recipe for a poor enhancement of Algeria’s tourism potential.

However, calling it a day here would mean missing a fundamental element, says professor Zoubir, that of reciprocity.

A stance for reciprocity

At the end of the day, the argument of oil and gas reliance is not enough. Although it is true that the sector still represents a major part of Algeria’s economy, and even more after the war in Ukraine made the EU consolidate Algeria as its long-term strategic gas supplier; the fossil fuel era will soon have to come to an end. But that alone will not solve the tourism problem, professor Zoubir explains.

“Even if Algeria did not rely on natural resources, Algerians would still have this nationalistic pride, and say: why should I not require a visa from you when you require a visa from me?”. That’s the Algerian mentality, according to professor Zoubir, and not only from the side of the government, but from the people’s side too.

Algerians, alongside many other Global South nationalities, struggle to get visas to visit foreign countries. Professor Zoubir himself, who now lives in the United States, tells EUobserver that when he tried to invite his niece and nephew to visit him abroad, both their visa applications were declined in spite of having all documents in order.

It’s the same or worse when it comes to Europe, he claims, assuring us that some people in Algeria even pay for others to stay awake all night in order to get an appointment in the visa section of the French Embassy. “They pay a lot of money without a guarantee that they will eventually get the visa. For an Algerian, the money involved in this visa process is almost a month’s salary”.

Traumatised by an independence struggle that, to our day, has still not seen full closure and haunted by a world order that continues to restrain people from the Global South easy mobility while claiming universal rights at home; Algerians say “You guys treat us like this? We are also going to treat you like this”, argues Zoubir.

So, to the question of why tourism in Algeria remains unseen to the rest of the world, finding an answer requires understanding the country’s history, the material and economic conditions that have allowed it not to be a priority, the political motivations of an unpopular government, but also and maybe most importantly, understanding that rights should be reciprocal.

Author

Juan Sanchez Gil

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Africa

Kenyan President’s Church Donation Causes Riots

Published

3 weeks ago

March 11, 2025

Jennifer Maas

A church donation by Kenyan President William Ruto has caused unrest in the country, the BBC reports. Protesters tried to storm a church that had received a large donation from the head of state. Police had to use force and tear gas to disperse them.

The protesters tried to enter the church and set it on fire. The demonstrators used stones to block roads. In the ensuing clashes with the police, some people were detained, the exact number of whom was not specified.

The donation of 20 million shillings ($155,000) to the “Jesus Victorious Ministry” in the Nairobi suburb of Roysambu has caused discontent among Kenyans struggling with the high cost of living. Ruto defended his actions and offered a similar gift to another church in Eldoret.

According to Ruto, the donation is an attempt to address the country’s moral decline. “Kenya needs to know God so that we can put to shame those who tell us we cannot communicate with the church,” he noted.

Last year, both Kenya’s Catholic and Anglican leaders rejected donations, arguing that there was a need to protect the church from being used for political purposes.

Kenyans were angered by a series of tax increases introduced after Ruto was elected in 2022. In 2024, a wave of nationwide protests forced Ruto to withdraw his finance bill, which contained a series of tax increases.

Photo: His Excellency Dr. William Samoei Ruto was sworn in on September 13, 2022, after winning the Presidential election.

Author

Jennifer Maas

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Africa

Shadows Over Democracy in Mozambique

Published

5 months ago

October 21, 2024

Cynthia Robinson

In a deeply concerning development in Mozambique’s political landscape, the European Union (EU) has condemned the recent killings of two prominent figures: Elvino Dias, a legal advisor to Presidential candidate Venâncio Mondlane, and opposition politician Paulo Guambe. The EU stated that these politically motivated murders have no place in a democracy and expressed its heartfelt condolences to the families and friends of the deceased.

The EU’s strong condemnation comes in the wake of alarming reports regarding the violent dispersal of political supporters following last week’s elections in Mozambique. The Union has called for an immediate, thorough, and transparent investigation into the killings, demanding justice for those responsible and clarity on the circumstances surrounding these outrageous crimes. The EU reiterated its hope for a timely response from the Mozambican Government, emphasizing that a quick and effective inquiry is essential to restore public confidence.

In addition to seeking accountability for the murders, the EU has urged all parties to exercise restraint during this turbulent post-electoral period. The organization underlined the importance of respecting fundamental freedoms and political rights, asserting that strong protective measures for all candidates are crucial to ensuring their safety and fostering a more stable political environment.

Meanwhile, the European Union Election Observation Mission remains actively engaged in Mozambique, closely assessing the ongoing electoral process. The EU expects the country’s Election Management Bodies to uphold integrity in their operations, ensuring that the electoral process is conducted with due diligence and transparency—reflecting the will of the Mozambican people.

As the nation grapples with the implications of these political killings, the international community watches closely, hoping for accountability, peace, and the preservation of democratic values in Mozambique.

Author

Cynthia Robinson

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Africa

The European Union and Morocco: Navigating Trade Relations and Geopolitical Issues

Published

6 months ago

October 14, 2024

Nicole Edenedo

The European Union and the Agreements with Morocco: An In-Depth Analysis of Recent Developments

The European Union (EU) has recently taken crucial decisions regarding its fisheries and agriculture agreements with Morocco, a matter that raises complex economic, political and legal issues. These agreements, which allow European vessels access to Moroccan waters and facilitate the import of Moroccan agricultural products into the European market, are essential for both parties. However, they are also marked by tensions linked to the Western Sahara issue.

Legal background to the agreements

The fisheries and agriculture agreements between the EU and Morocco have been renewed several times since they were first signed. However, their legitimacy has been called into question, notably following rulings by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). In 2016, the CJEU annulled a fisheries agreement, arguing that it failed to comply with international law, particularly with regard to the rights of the Saharan people. The Court stressed that the resources of Western Sahara cannot be exploited without the consent of its people, leading to a re-evaluation of existing agreements.

Morocco’s position and international support

Morocco has championed an autonomy initiative for Western Sahara, proposing a solution that would allow the territory to enjoy a degree of autonomy while remaining under Moroccan sovereignty. This initiative has received the support of over 100 nations, including major geopolitical players such as the United States, France, the United Arab Emirates, Israel, Germany and Spain. This international support is crucial for Morocco, as it strengthens its position on the international stage and enables it to legitimize its actions regarding the Western Sahara.

Morocco maintains that the proposed autonomy is the best solution for ensuring stability and development in the region. The Moroccan authorities maintain that this initiative could encourage dialogue and cooperation between the various stakeholders, while guaranteeing respect for the rights of local populations.

Reactions from the Polisario Front

In contrast, the Polisario Front, which claims independence for Western Sahara and is supported by Algeria, advocates a referendum on self-determination for the Saharan people. This position has historically enjoyed some international support, but is currently less popular in the current geopolitical context.

The difficulties of implementing a referendum are manifold. Analysts point out that issues such as voter registration, factional tensions and security concerns make it a complex option. Moreover, international support for the Polisario Front has waned in recent years, further complicating its position.

Economic consequences of the agreements

The fisheries and agriculture agreements are of vital importance to the Moroccan economy. The fishing industry, in particular, is an essential source of income and employment, especially in coastal regions. Access to the European market enables Moroccan fishermen to sell their products at a competitive price, while meeting the growing demand for seafood products in Europe.

At the same time, the agricultural agreement also opens up opportunities for Morocco to export agricultural products, promoting the development of Moroccan agriculture. For the EU, these agreements guarantee a stable supply of food products while supporting sustainable fishing, which is crucial in the context of growing concerns about food security in Europe.

Future challenges

The challenges facing the EU and Morocco are many. The need to reconcile economic interests with the requirements of international law and humanitarian concerns is paramount. The situation in Western Sahara continues to be a sticking point influencing EU negotiations and decisions.

The EU seeks to maintain advantageous trade relations with Morocco while respecting the principles of international law. The complexity of this situation calls for continuous and constructive dialogue between the various parties, in order to find lasting solutions that are acceptable to all.

Future prospects

In the future, the EU may consider modifications to its agreements to ensure their compliance with international legal standards while safeguarding its economic interests. Enhanced dialogue between the EU and Morocco will be essential to navigate these complexities. Morocco’s international support could also play a key role in future discussions, influencing EU decisions.

In summary, the EU’s decision on fisheries and agriculture agreements with Morocco represents a delicate balance between economic interests, legal considerations and humanitarian issues. Future discussions will need to take these various aspects into account to achieve sustainable solutions, while recognizing the international context that shapes this dynamic. The future of EU-Morocco relations will depend on the ability of both parties to overcome current challenges and cooperate constructively for the development of the region.