There are many possible explanations for the situation.

The reality revealed by the presidential elections and parliamentary election held on Sunday (14th May) has again proven that there is very little demand in Turkey for democratic, rule of law and transparency, accountability and human rights.

This observation is applicable to even some elements of the opposition.

We are witnessing an environment where the demand for a wide range of populist, Islamist, nationalist and racist rhetoric is on the rise.

It is not necessary to elaborate on the problematic relationship between President Recep Tayyip Erdoan and democracy, which he views as a “tramway that must be disembarked from when a suitable stop arrives.”

Indicators that evaluate Turkey’s democracy and human rights, as well as its freedom of expression, have shown the consequences of a downward democratic trend.

Over the past decade, we have witnessed that corruption, oppression, lawlessness, arbitrariness, human rights violations, favouritism/nepotism, and media monopolisation hold little or no significance for especially nationalist conservative masses in my country.

For them, the culture war is of paramount importance.

It is remarkable that these masses, who have embraced Erdogan’s populist rhetoric remain indifferent to the significant economic challenges that directly affect their lives, including the skyrocketing inflation rate, the depreciation the Turkish Lira, widespread unemployment and profound financial hardship.

The political preferences of these people have not changed despite the fact that they have lived through the worst economic crisis in Turkish history, the biggest earthquake disaster in modern times, which devastated 11 cities, and the poor response by the government to earthquakes.

Understanding the subjective reasons for this detachment (a kind alienation) from their own objective interest may help to understand why the problem in Turkey goes deeper than Erdogan.

The failure of Turkey to become a united nation is the likely cause of the problem, as the country was founded on the remnants from an empire.

Even after 100 years of its establishment, the Republic has not been able to establish a democratic pluralist nation that values diversity and respects democratic principles.

The result was that the masses, which consisted of disjointed and even hostile sections of society, living in different realms, could not develop a sense of democracy, a spirit of peaceful coexistence and a demand of the rule of law.

Turkey’s people have been influenced more by primitive identity politics, such as racism, nationalism and Islamism than by freedoms and democratic values.

These segments do not share the same minimum democratic values. Elections have become a zero-sum contest. While opposition is viewed as an enemy, election has become a battlefield for sharp identity expressions.

The recent elections have revealed once again that 70 percent of the Turkish populace is conservative nationalists, who are not interested in democracy, rule of law, or universal rights and liberties.

They do not prioritize a civilised democracy or an open society.

Instead, their actions tend to be influenced by emotions fueled by discriminatory identities and deep-rooted fears. They also feel insecure towards “others” (or marginalised sections of society).

The extensive propaganda carried out by media channels under Erdogan’s direct control has undoubtedly played an important role in shaping these views, but it should not be viewed as the only explanation for the result.

Over the last decade, Turkey has seen more than 2 million people investigated on terrorism charges. More than 600,000 people have been detained and an astonishing 100,000 people have been imprisoned.

The magnitude of this repression forced me, and tens thousands of others, to seek exile.

As a Turkish Journalist living in exile I have come to realize that the problem in Turkey goes far beyond the corrupt Erdogan regime.

Hopes raised

After the election campaign, and the day of the voting, I began to lose my initial pessimism as hope took over.

As a Sunni Muslim Turkish, I was deeply excited by the emergence of Kemal Kilicdaroglu, leader of the main opposition CHP, a Kurdish Alawite Muslim.

I believed with all my heart that this pivotal event could mark a turning-point in world politics — a powerful testimony to the democratic and peaceful removal of a corrupt dictator.

It was a promise that it would inspire nations facing similar struggles.

My hopes were dashed on Sunday. We missed the chance to shut the hellish doors of autocracy.

It was a devastating defeat, and I am haunted with the fear that the second round of elections scheduled for 28 May will not give the liberal democrats in Turkey the same opportunity to achieve what they need to.

The realization that I may have lost my nation again has brought me a cloud of pessimism.

The haunting question lingers in your mind: Can it be reclaimed or is it forever lost in the depths despair?