Health & Society
Religious fundamentalism as psychosis

By Vasileios Thermos, Psychiatrist, Professor, and Priest of the Church of Greece
At the very beginning, we consider it necessary to make some clarifications. First of all, fundamentalism is not about specific ideas and beliefs. It should be seen as a particular worldview, as a way of thinking and relating – dualistic, paranoid, despotic and punitive.[1]
From this point of view, fundamentalism, although born in a Christian environment, is also found in a secular context – even an atheist or a rationalist can exhibit the above characteristics in their way of thinking. In such a case, the term “fundamentalist” is not used literally, insofar as it does not refer to the content of specific ideas. It is not related to any relevant reflection on the foundations in the particular variation of Modernity. Rather, it refers to the modern practice of investing in an absolute way in concrete ideas, as well as the neglect and hatred of the different that accompany this practice. Humanity has experienced the horror of secular fundamentalism in the form of militant godlessness. In our time, this hybrid manifests itself in the more moderate forms of ideological bias and scientific fanaticism.
Returning to our topic of religious fundamentalism, we must note that its definition is subject to semantic distinctions based on the various cultural elements that influence and participate in its formation. There is a group of fundamentalist Christians in the US who may not fall under the label of “religious fundamentalism”. This more moderate form of religious fundamentalism that we find there can be explained by the different distribution in the conservative-liberal range. In America, the term “conservative” as a self-definition includes a large number of Christians, the same ones who in Europe place themselves at the center of this scale. Europeans who self-identify as “conservatives” tend to be more austere, i.e. closer to a more extreme fundamentalism. The same is true of Islamic fundamentalism, although in this case research is needed as to what are those special paths that lead to its manifestation. In Europe, Islamic fundamentalism has most likely also adopted local characteristics, as there are many victims of Islamic radicalism.
On the other hand, it is easily explained that a more conventional conservatism, such as the American one, leaves a free field on the right for a tamer fundamentalism. No matter how controversial the latter, there is no doubt that many Americans would feel offended if someone classified them as a fundamentalist in the sense of a state of psychosis.[2]
* * *
Religious fundamentalism arose initially as a reaction of some Protestants against what they themselves saw as a threat from Modernity. Sometimes this threat was limited to their imaginary constructions; other times, however, very often, the threat was real – traditional interpretations of theological truth were threatened (because the encounter with Modernity calls for new interpretations) or truth itself was threatened (although, of course, fundamentalism does not represent an appropriate and productive alternative to rationalism).
The secularization that erupts from Modernity is a systemic expression of the modern subject’s thirst for individual autonomy and independence from any religious framework. Under this prism, secularization is loved and surrounded by trust and faith, it has become a movement and an ideology. In fact, Modernity has radically changed the way we think, as well as the way we think we should think.
As a reaction against this, religious fundamentalism feels that the world that springs from Modernity is hostile, and so fundamentalism encourages us to return to the sources, to the foundations. As a result, it is in fact a product of the stress arising from the consciousness that the modern remarkable cultural turn is irreversible, that both society and science have finally emancipated themselves from the traditional theological foundation. It is obvious that there is no reason to exclude the Orthodox Church from this description, since all societies are westernizing at a very fast pace.
According to religious fundamentalists, history has been distorted by Modernity; what for them is a “fall” is Modernity.[3] Furthermore, fundamentalists proclaim themselves to be the sole judges of truth, the only ones with the authority to decide who follows Christian truth and who is a traitor to it.[4] They have the ambition to unite in their own person and to play all the roles: to legislate, to accuse, to judge and to carry out the punishments at the same time.
An interesting fact that may have escaped public attention is that religious fundamentalism is also a “child” of Modernity. Although an unwanted child, he is nevertheless a true quasi-product of modern times, having developed under their shadow. Paradoxical as this may sound, it can serve to explain many interrelated phenomena.
Recognizing that religious fundamentalism owes its existence to secularization, we understand that both are inseparable entities. Secularization submits to the seductive power of the secular, while fundamentalism fights against it in panic and hatred. Both entities have elevated the mundane to the position of obsession—but each in opposite ways. They resemble each other and are therefore in competition with each other. This is logical, because what is born as a negation or antidote to something else is condemned to see its path determined exclusively by its unwanted “generator”, thus losing the possibility of being an expression of something original. Their constructive polarity explains their kinship, just as rebellious adolescents resemble their despotic parents in the long run.
Paradoxically, although religious fundamentalism is a passionate opponent of psychology, it actually functions as a kind of psychologism. He judges and interprets on the basis of habit, not on the basis of truth. For fundamentalism, what is threatened is immanent identity; it is the decisive criterion by which everything is determined. Terrified by the complexity of the modern world (which has already been modified into the chaos of Postmodernity), fundamentalism is quick to resort to oversimplified solutions because it cannot withstand doubt, confusion and coexistence.
This defensive reaction usually also mobilizes the identification with a characteristic linguistic vocabulary. The struggles of the fundamentalists in the Orthodox Church are well-known for investing in phraseology, in cult, in clothing, statutes and other historical patterns in which later church life has crystallized. Manzaridis writes with alarm that where fundamentalism raises its voice in defense of the sacred and against the profane, it actually absolutizes the created order.[5] In other words, a subconscious “applied psychology” absolutizes concrete human (creature) forms that the truth of the Church has assumed over time in order to articulate the external elements of tradition; therefore, it absolutizes history in its inability to understand that it is thus repeating the same sin against which it so fiercely fights.
Very often the idealization of the created order is characteristic of culture. Florovsky warned us about those who fall into the charm of being fascinated by culture in the name of their faith.[6] Indeed, culture has the remarkable power to attract Christians and get them carried away by it, thereby neglecting the meaning of the Church. Elements that make up this force of culture are customs, aesthetics, and closed community. Customs are capable of denying us our openness to the universality of truth, which is capable of accepting new ways of interpretation. Aesthetics can ensnare the faithful, binding them sensually to what is understood as tradition. And a closed community educates its members to be suspicious of any voice that seems out of place.
A worldview like the one we have described so far cannot function in a healthy way within the fundamentalist community. To be precise, we must say that this community is characterized by a lack of self-criticism, resistance to change, excessive attention to unimportant matters, despotism of leaders and dependence of their followers on them.[7] All these characteristics function as stabilizers of the threatened identity: both individual and collective.
The relationship with psychology is not the only example of that particular psychoanalytic defense mechanism called identification with the attacked. The irony here is that the religious fundamentalists themselves are moving down the same path of heresy, although it usually cannot be understood as heresy in its content, because they have decided to wage war within the Church and in the name of the Church, repeating allegedly and “protecting ” the ancient beliefs. Obviously, this choice of theirs will have to be appreciated and recognized. However, what escapes their notice (because of their outwardly orthodox and spiritual terminology) is that their dominant spiritual needs are exactly the same as those which lead others to resort to a given heresy or sect. As the Russian philosopher Berdyaev warned long ago, “… the fundamentalism of the extreme “Orthodoxy” in religion has a sectarian character. The feeling of satisfaction in belonging to a circle of the elect is a sectarian feeling”.[8]
* * *
However, it is possible to be faithful to one’s religion and be emotionally invested in the foundations of the faith without being a fundamentalist. Healthy religiosity is based on tradition and does not propose to remove its foundations, but at the same time it is incompatible with maladjustment and with prejudice. On the contrary, sick religiosity refers to the profile of a personality that reflects the deformation of the psychic structure: it has Manichean or dualistic beliefs; requires that clear lines be drawn between good and evil; absolutizes the truth and the authoritative figures who proclaim it; experiences anxiety when in complex circumstances; is attracted by the old and the familiar; identifies with maladaptive views; shows an inability to distinguish between essential and non-essential matters; feels uneasy about the changes.[9]
Furthermore, the fundamentalist’s mental image of God is usually that of a cruel and distant God, limited in sensitivity and core to the fundamental defense mechanism. The mechanism of projection is also mobilized to settle the guilt that inevitably arises from self-knowledge. Therefore, blame must be assigned to other individuals or groups. The religious fundamentalist has a desperate need to locate evil in some external source. Unfortunately, it is not uncommon for religious groups to officially show their preference for such processes through their teachings.[10]
Such an unhealthy formed mental structure creates for them a sense of coherence, which culminates in a mental identity, although it is a pressed, superficial and contradictory identity. It also contains some relief from the pressure exerted by the external forces of decay. The cost of these debts is the sharp distinction between those in error and “us of the righteous.”
As if all this was not enough for them, lately the main and defining stress factor for fundamentalists has been getting worse. Postmodernity, characterized by fluid mixing and risky instability, has led to an increase in dissatisfaction. The more prematurely and hastily formed the identity, the more attackable it is now – this is an important point for psychology and for pastoral care. In other words, the problem is perpetuated: the fundamentalist psychosis contains within itself the grounds for its intensification when conditions become less favorable, because it arose as a temporary solution and not as a free mature development.
To the extent that violence usually harbors a barely perceptible threat, it finds its justification in the phenomenon of fundamentalism. Fundamentalists are often insecure in their faith. The reason lies in the fact that their faith, precisely because it is not due to a conscious adoption of dogmas, but to a simple declaration, is not sufficient to tame the external forces of corruption that are innate in each of us. Faith needs a complete existential participation, which implies a living relationship with God; consequently, the lack of emotional sensitivity and responsibility leaves the soul unsatisfied and hanging in the air. Dissatisfaction is thus appeased by the imposition of the dogmas on others; others become a monitor on which the fundamentalists’ unconscious clashes take place.
Consequently, religious fundamentalists are sometimes divided in their desires. In a mental structure that is restless, devoid of peace, as described in the preceding paragraph, the sight of surrounding people who are free and joyful leads to envy, which can quickly escalate into hatred. The sad thing here is that it is disguised as what it considers itself to be “holy jealousy”. The inability to rejoice leads to the prohibition of joy.
Through these processes, fundamentalists base their religiosity on fear rather than love. In this case, offensiveness becomes an actual matter of spiritual survival rather than an expression of courage.[11] As a result, the noblest elements of faith are not internalized, not subjectivized. Instead, deeply uncultivated psychic polemicism finds the possibility of legitimizing itself through the discovery of a strong alibi, such as the defense of “lore,” a defense that derives not from trust but from fear. It is a fear that can develop into real paranoia, i.e. malicious suspicion of non-existent enemies. We understand, then, how the inner-psychic motivations for upholding the tradition are more mundane than fundamentalists can imagine.
What are the spiritual roots of religious fundamentalists’ fear? Psychoanalysis has dealt extensively with introverted (inner) objects as sources of love, hate, and other feelings. The mental image each of us has of God derives its characteristic properties from the internal images of other people we have within us, being guided by our perceived successes or failures of them. When the spiritual image of our parents causes fear in us, then, in the case of the religious person, it is most likely that he perceives God as strict or hostile or persecutory, etc. Some people manage to limit fear in their individual religious field; however, others, depending on the circumstances, legitimize their fear by fitting it into the collective “legitimate” worldview of fundamentalism. By finding one’s place in the collective space, it helps one to legitimize one’s own individual paranoia.
Interestingly, not all fundamentalists preach a fearful and vengeful God; some seem to harbor unhealthy subconscious feelings, while at the same time their sermons are rather theologically sound. This is yet another indication that faith is an existential event, not just some face value of some verbal outpouring.
Based on Melanie Klein’s famous study of the transition from paranoid-schizoid to depressive state,[12] the fear that springs from an internalized “bad god” can coexist with the adoption of a paranoid-schizoid stance along with the inability to develop in direction to a depressed position. What this means, in fact, is that fundamentalists tend to see others as entirely evil, while at the same time seeing themselves as entirely good (as with ideas and interpretations: a sharp distinction between right and wrong dominates). “In psychoanalytic terminology, reductionism means backwardness, erasing the ‘middle ground’, to bisect, dividing the world into security and threat, good and evil, life and death”.[13] Such a thwarting of the normal transition is usually marked by a state of psychosis.
Berdyaev emphasizes that “… the fanatics who act with the greatest empathy, pressure and cruelty always feel themselves surrounded by dangers and always overcome by fear. Fear always makes a person react violently… In the mind of a fanatic, the devil always appears to him as terrible and strong, and he believes in him more strongly than he believes in God… Against the devil’s forces, a holy inquisition or various commissariats are always created… But the devil always he proved to be stronger because he was able to penetrate these institutions and take over their leadership”.[14]
Ignorance of one’s own “I” can reach the point where hatred and fear are repressed, restrained and beautified under the false sense that the persecution is carried out in the name of a hypothetical love. Berdyaev continues with the words: “The holy inquisitors of old were fully convinced that the inhuman acts they did, flogging, burning at the stake, etc., were an expression of their love for humanity… He who sees devilish traps all around him, is the same one who always alone perpetrates persecutions, tortures and guillotines. It is better for a man to suffer short torments within the earthly life than to perish in eternity. Torquemada[15] was an uncomplaining and selfless person, he did not want anything for himself, he was completely dedicated to his idea, to his faith. While torturing people, he served God, did everything exclusively for the glory of God, had a particularly sensitive streak in him, felt no malice and hostility towards anyone, was a kind of “good” person”.[16]
In other words, those who discover devils in harm’s way end up becoming devils themselves, while, in a tragic irony, they care for truth and love!
Dichotomous thinking obviously hinders self-criticism, and to an even greater extent it hinders the building of bridges of communication and exchange with enlightened circles. But the reverse is not inevitable either: not all paranoid-schizoid sufferers develop fundamentalist ideas and practices. It deserves to be investigated why for some people this type of pathology is limited only to individual relationships, while for others it acquires the corresponding views that lead them to form coalitions and struggle to mobilize against the enemy. At the collective level, the inability to reach a depressive position means, in fact, that the group is unable or unwilling to accept the historical trauma and therefore to grieve; instead, it responds to pain with recourse to action and cognitive distortion.
Facts, history and ideas call for interpretation, while time demands that this interpretation be done with urgency. The art of hermeneutics is an opening to the new and the fresh, which call us to make sense of truth amid new conditions. At the same time, every new thing stresses the fundamentalists. They do not wish to interpret because they fear not only mistakes, but – something far more terrible – they fear the appearance of their own otherness as interpretive subjects. Fundamentalists, swayed by the utopian expectation of an imagined totalitarian purity, unable to bear doubt or polyvalence, fearful of what will happen in the wake of the gradual disclosure of their own “I”—let us not forget that interpretation is at the same time a litmus for the truth of the interpreter himself, and not only for the truth of the object—suggests in the end to maintain the infantile position, repeating old recipes of their predecessors, rather than marking their lives with their own personal otherness. As a result of the sincere interpretation, inner freedom, security, conscientiousness, the exploration of the abyss of the psychological inner world of the mind and the heart actually manifests in an unforced way; anything can be stressful.
Likewise, the religious fundamentalist is indecisive, unwilling or unable to interpret the sacred texts because he regards them as fossils without considering them in the context in which they appeared. In its finished form, his word is devoid of metaphoricality, which is a necessary means of interpretation. From a psychoanalytic point of view, the religious fundamentalist (as a collective rather than an individual diagnosis) functions in the Church as a psychosis. A main characteristic of psychosis is that the word is always concrete, without a metaphorical function. Among the aspects of metaphor (μεταφορά) are translation (μετάφραση) and contextual theology. As a result, it makes perfect sense that fundamentalists fight both the translation of liturgical texts into a modern common language (in the case of Greece) and the contextual interpretation of theological tradition.
As a result, held hostage to an extreme “cataphatic” truth that is demarcated with intransigent phraseology, religious fundamentalism is unwilling or even hostile to the possibility of accepting the “shaking” of both theological thought and religious experience, that is, to welcome an “apophatic” perspective. Thus, isolating himself, he must inevitably seek out enemies and apostates. Therefore, the other way in which fundamentalism tends towards a state of psychosis is through paranoia, i.e. fear, which shuts down all dialogue and acceptance.[17]
Paranoia should be understood as closely related to dichotomous thinking.[18] If people are either good or bad, then it is easily understandable that a person would want to be counted among the good. Usually, the fear either does not correspond to the potential threat or is artificially created in relation to a non-existent threat. I have mentioned above that inward enmity assumes a Christian guise, and is brought out when the uncultivated destructive forces of the soul are set in motion against that which is perceived as an enemy. Thus, the threat is understood as something that originates from outside, while in reality it is an overt hostility.[19] Paranoia as narrative and activity is a paradigmatic model for unconscious reverse autobiography.
All this really means that religious fundamentalism is a symptom and at the same time an attempt at self-healing: although it is an example of psychosis in the Church, it manages to organize thought patterns and thoughts in such a way as to limit psychotic stress. Consequently, it functions both as an ecclesiastical disease and also as a defense mechanism that prevents this same disease from becoming an individual diagnosis. In other words, it means moving from the individual level to the group level – the fundamentalists make the Church sick so that they themselves do not fall into psychosis!
It is obvious that such a procedure cannot function. Individual psychosis can be treated with the means of psychiatry, while the collective “psychosis” ends in a deformation of theology. It is expected that the dilemma between personal insanity and the apparently secure system of ideas will always find its solution in favor of the former – personal insanity. Orthodox theology is deformed by fundamentalism – either in its verbal form (through the verbal proclamation of isolation or hatred, or mistrust, or fear, etc.), or through its practical application (through its adherence to a hypothetical “tradition”, through the promotion of clericalism or “old age”, of supporting nationalism or the right, of attributing heretical thoughts to anyone with a different opinion, etc.). By placing psychosis at the service of theology, fundamentalism leads to the thwarting of its liberating and saving mission, while at the same time turning pastoral practice into a danger to the souls of men. It also has the power to make even a moderate and necessarily contextual theology seem like an arbitrary or vainglorious alternative.
Karen Armstrong writes of fundamentalists: “They indulge in confrontation with enemies whose secular policies and beliefs seem hostile to religion itself. Fundamentalists do not see this battle as a conventional political struggle, but experience it as a war of the worlds between the forces of good and evil. They fear annihilation and seek ways to strengthen their beleaguered identity through the selective retrieval of certain teachings and practices from the past. To avoid desecration, they often withdraw from society to create a counterculture. However, fundamentalists are not dreamers floating in the clouds. They have absorbed the pragmatist rationalism of Modernity and, under the guidance of their charismatic leaders, refine these “fundamentals” to create an ideology that gives the believer a blueprint for action. Finally, they strike back, undertaking a reconsecration of an increasingly skeptical world”.[20]
While the sanctification of the world is no doubt a desirable thing, if we look at it in a theological perspective, it cannot be the result of forceful imposition; it can only be accomplished through the personal sanctification of Christians. Christ came to “condemn sin in His flesh” (“condemniti greh vo ploti Svoei”),[21] not “in our flesh”.
Religious fundamentalism cannot be understood simply as a flawed way of thinking. It is a false response through ideological and behavioral conditioning to external emotional problems: a false sense of truth and power begins to become inevitable when stress is experienced as humiliating. Fundamentalists feel they have no control over change, which is true; however, they do not have the consciousness that they never had such control! This is one of the most basic deceptions they live by, which originated in times that were more favorable to the Church – “caesar” being the main common denominator of this false feeling. The extreme party in the Church misinterprets its institutional influence, mistaking it for authority over human souls, i.e. they mistakenly believe that when the current culture and political life is positive towards church people, then they are driven by the same beliefs and moral values .
The issue of incapacity requires a lot of attention. The prominent psychologist of religion Gordon Allport links prejudice to inner feelings of weakness and shame: “Sometimes the source of fear is unknown or forgotten or repressed. Fear may simply be a repressed remnant of internal emotional weaknesses in dealing with the processes of the external world… a generalized sense of inadequacy… However, stress is like hostility in that people tend to feel ashamed of it… Although we partly repress it, at the same time we shift its position so that it sublimates into socially acceptable sources of fear. Some people among us display an almost hysterical fear of “Communists.” It is a socially acceptable phobia. The same men would not be honored if they accepted the true source of much of their stress, which is to be found in their personal inadequacy and in the dread they feel of life”.[22]
This excerpt peels back the veil of fundamentalism, stripping it of its intended ideological character, and exposes the profound mental inadequacy and insecurity of the prejudiced extremist fighter. This deficiency is not necessarily objective: particular people may be genuinely talented. Subjective feeling is what rules here, as fundamentalists are emotionally convinced that they are useful and valuable only through “witch hunts”. The traumatic feeling that springs from the experience that history is running against us, indifferent or offensive to our subjective desires, finds solace in the false sense that the fundamentalist is a gifted, blessed man who contributes decisively to the exposure of heresy and the preservation of truth.
Shifting the battle from the psychological to the ideological field is crucial for fundamentalists, because in this way their mental and spiritual malaise is concealed and rationalized. The result is that belief becomes ideology, and as 20th century history has taught us very well, ideologies function as an effective antidote to stress as well as an excellent disguise for psychopathology. Ideologies have the ability to reduce and systematize the complexity of the world, to bring the warmth of belonging, and to banish the guilt caused by angry outbursts, presenting them as blessings against the “bad.” These mechanisms are a very ancient phenomenon, about which St. Basil the Great wrote: “Some, therefore, understand the supposed defense of Orthodoxy as a weapon in their war against others. And, concealing their personal enmities, they pretend to fight in the name of piety”.[23]
Fortunately, fanaticism does not always breed fundamentalism. However, even though they do not match, they have some common characteristics. “A fanatic is self-centered. The fanatic’s faith, his boundless and selfless devotion to an idea, does not help him to overcome his egocentrism. The fanatic’s asceticism—fanatics are often ascetics—does not defeat his devotion to himself, nor is he turned to the actual givens. The fanatic – whatever orthodoxy he belongs to – identifies with his ideas, identifies the truth with himself. And finally this becomes the only criterion of Orthodoxy”.[24] Perhaps one preventive measure would be to pastorally address fanaticism before it develops into fundamentalism.
Let’s make one last comment (but not the last). To what extent has Orthodox fundamentalism been fueled by expanding conservatism and the centuries-old incorporation of our church? Perhaps some good-natured forms of fear of the world are relapsing into vicious fundamentalism because of the facilities that the church space offers them in this direction? In short: might some common characteristics of the Orthodox Church favor extremes instead of restraining them?
In other words, is fundamentalism a purely personal failure, or is it nursed by immanent disorders in the functioning of the system? Prof. Vassilis Saroglu, enumerating many problematic worldviews and behaviors in Greek Orthodox church life (sectarian tendencies, isolationism, Hellenocentrism, hostility to the West, despotism, judicialism, suspiciousness), asks if there is an umbilical cord that probably connects fundamentalism with Orthodox life as such: “Is fundamentalism foreign, or is it related to Orthodox theology?”.[25]
It is difficult for moderate conservatives to diagnose whether the case in question is valid. Because the repressed manifestations of extreme fundamentalist behavioral responses (paranoia, aggression) are invoked, they are unable to recognize that they too probably suffer from milder forms of the same deviant spectrum. To be precise, they exhibit the same characteristics as the fundamentalists, differing from them only in degree and intensity. Their sincere protest “we are conservatives, not extremists”, while formally correct, obscures reality, neutralizes vigilance and leaves unprotected the field in which fundamentalism rises.
If our church wishes to truly weaken and disarm Orthodox fundamentalism, it will need to re-educate its ecclesial totality so that both the psychological and ideological fundamentalist complex is tracked down and obliterated. We know that things do not change quickly, but a clear strategy that is flexible, open to serious and theologically grounded changes, with a vision that is broader than the national, will certainly bear fruit. The key word here is prudence.
This progressive advance means that Orthodox church life (worship, catechesis, leadership, administration) will cease to serve defensive identities, but will instead embrace the very essence of the Incarnation. Indeed, I can find no better description of the antidote to religious fundamentalism than that offered by the late eminent Greek theologian Panagiotis Nelas: “Orthodoxy, which neither fights nor competes with any culture, wants to live in ours as well ( western culture), even more willing to incarnate in it, precisely to help it overcome its immanent impasses. And it can do so, since it is based on the fundamental principle of the incarnation and the transfiguration of the problem, on which the fathers of the Church relied in order to meet the Greek culture. This principle expresses at the level of Church-sacred relations the central Chalcedonian Christological dogma… It is a question of a complete loving surrender, of the pouring out or condescension of the Church towards culture, something that means not only toleration of the elements subject to transformation of culture, but also their complete assimilation in so far as it leads to their transformation into the flesh of the Church… These particular elements of culture must be Christianized. This is where the great reality of asceticism intervenes… The Church is the real and actual Body of Christ, and the body of the Church is pure and simple the social body. Christianity is asceticism, when it does not deny, but accepts the body, loves it and fights to save it”.[26]
We are called to live this change, which is a criterion of vital importance.
* First[ublication:ΘερμόςΒΠληγὲςἀπὸmeaningΚατοἀπὸτὶςἔννοιεςἀνασαίνειἡζωήἈθήνα:“Ἐνπλῷ”2023σ107-133[ublication:ΘερμόςΒΠληγὲςἀπὸmeaningΚατοἀπὸτὶςἔννοιεςἀνασαίνειἡζωήἈθήνα:“Ἐνπλῷ”2023σ107-133
[1] Eklof, T. Fundamentalism as Disorder. A case for Listing it in the APA’s DSM, 2016. The author also highlights the similarity between fundamentalist thinking and the childish way of thinking as described by Piaget: finite and unconditioned, unable to put oneself in the place of the other. This infantility may account for the oversimplification (which represents yet another stressor that creates fear) that anything that cannot be interpreted by the tools available is a threat.
[2] Indeed, I personally know many religious Americans who share an ultra-simplistic religious mindset without necessarily embracing paranoid, despotic, or punitive worldviews.
[3] Hunter, J.D. “Fundamentalism in Its Global Contours” – In: The Fundamentalist Phenomenon: A View from Within; A Response from Without, ed. by N. Cohen, ‘Eerdmans’ 1990, p. 59.
[4] Arbuckle, G. Refounding the Church: Dissent for Leadership, Maryknoll, N.Y.: “Orbis Books” 1993, p. 53.
[5] Μαντζαρίδης, Γ. “Ἡ ὑπέρβασι τοῦ φονταμενταλισμοῦ” – Σύναξη, 56, 1995, σ. 70.
[6] Florovsky, G. Christianity and Culture, Northland, 1974, p. 21-27.
[7] Xavier, N. S. The Two Faces of Religion: A Psychiatrist’s View, New Orleans, La.: “Portals Pr” 1987, p. 44.
[8] Berdyaev, N. “Concerning Fanaticism, Orthodoxy and Truth”, transl. by Fr. S. Janos, 1937 – here.
[9] Jaspard, J.-M. “Signification Psychologique d’Une Lecture “Fondamentaliste” de la Bible” – In: Revue Théologique de Louvain, 37, 2, 2006, p. 204-205.
[10] Jones, J. W. “Why Does Religion Turn Violent? A Psychoanalytic Exploration of Religious Terrorism” – In: The Psychoanalytic Review, 93, 2, 2006, p. 181, 186.
[11] Hunter, J.D. Op. cit., p. 70.
[12] Klein, M. Envy and Gratitude: A Study of Unconscious Sources, London: Basic Books 1957, p. 22-31. Klein deals with the two unconscious positions which mark the organization of the personality at an early stage of life. The schizoid-paranoid position recreates the immature state in which the young child perceives the outside world as “black and white”, i.e. he experiences his mother exclusively as good or as bad, as well as the mother-toddler pair as absolutely good, and the outside world as a potential hazard. The depressive position, on the other hand, is the natural successor of the schizoid-paranoid: with this transition, the individual’s ability to worry is gradually gained, complex perceptions of himself and others begin to form, and the capacity to feel guilt is internalized in adulthood .
[13] Young, R. “Psychoanalysis, Terrorism, and Fundamentalism” – In: Psychodynamic Practice, 9, 3, 2003, p. 307-324.
[14] Berdyaev, N. Op. cit.
[15] Thomas de Torquemada (1420-1498) – Spanish clergyman, first inquisitor of the Spanish Inquisition (note trans.).
[16] Berdyaev, N. Op. cit.; cf. Verdluis, A. The New Inquisitions: Heretic Hunting and the Intellectual Origins of Modern Totalitarianism, Oxford: Oxford University Press 2006, p. 138-139.
[17] Powell, J., Gladson, J., Mayer, R. “Psychotherapy with the Fundamentalist Client” – In: Journal of Psychology and Theology, 19, 4, 1991, p. 348.
[18] Eklof, T. Op. cit.
[19] Arbuckle, G. Op. cit., p. 53; Hunter, J.D. Op. cit., p. 64.
[20] Armstrong, K. The Battle for God: Fundamentalism in Judaism, Christianity and Islam, London: Random House 2000, p. hi.
[21] St. Liturgy of St. Basil the Great – Prayer of Ascension.
[22] Allport, G. W. The Nature of Prejudice, Doubleday 1958, p. 346.
[23] Ἐπιστολὴ 92: Πρὸς Ἰταλοὺς καὶ Γάλλους, 2 – PG 32, 480C.
[24] Berdyaev, N. Op. cit.
[25] Σαρόγλου, Β. “Ὀρθόδοξη Θεολογία καὶ φονταμενταλισμός: ἀντίπαλοι ἢ ὁμόαιμοι;” – Νέα Εὐθύνη, 15, 2013, σ. 93 (the whole article – here).
[26] Νέλλας, Π. “Ἡ παιδεία καὶ οἱ Ἕλληνες” – Σύναξη, 21, 1987, σ. 18-19.
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Many individuals and communities rely on effective health systems, particularly during crises. To ensure maximum efficiency and better outcomes, you must focus on developing coordinated responses across Europe. This approach not only strengthens your local health infrastructure but also fosters collaboration among nations, enabling a more robust response to public health challenges. In this guide, you’ll learn the necessary steps to enhance resilience in your health system, paving the way for a healthier future.
Understanding Resilient Health Systems
To truly comprehend what constitutes a resilient health system, you must acknowledge its ability to respond effectively to various challenges while maintaining necessary health services. A resilient health system can withstand shocks, whether they stem from public health emergencies, such as pandemics, or other systemic pressures like economic downturns. The resilience of such systems is not merely in their robustness, but in their agility and adaptability to changing circumstances, allowing them to bounce back swiftly from disruptions while continuing to deliver high-quality care to all.
Key Characteristics of Resilience
Assuming you want to identify the key characteristics that define resilience in health systems, you will find that flexibility, adaptability, and resourcefulness are paramount. These characteristics enable health systems to adjust to evolving needs, manage unpredictable demands, and deploy resources efficiently in response to crises. Furthermore, an emphasis on collaboration within and between health services enhances the ability to share knowledge, skills, and resources, significantly strengthening overall health system resilience.
Importance of Coordination in Health Responses
While addressing health emergencies, you must understand that coordination plays a vital role in the effectiveness of responses. The integration of efforts across various health sectors ensures a unified approach that maximises the use of available resources and minimises redundancies. This coordinated effort not only fosters better communication among stakeholders—such as health officials, government entities, and non-governmental organisations—but also enhances your ability to implement interventions swiftly and at scale, ultimately saving lives and preserving health infrastructure during crises.
Another key consideration is that effective coordination facilitates the alignment of objectives and strategies across different organisations and regions, allowing for a more focused deployment of efforts. This integration can lead to improved health outcomes by ensuring that the right resources reach the right places at the right time. By establishing clear communication channels and protocols, you can greatly enhance the synergy between health services and stakeholders, creating a robust framework that fosters not just immediate responses, but long-term improvements in health system resilience.
Factors Influencing Resilient Health Systems
Now, the resilience of health systems is shaped by a myriad of factors that hold significant importance in fortifying their ability to withstand shocks and respond effectively. You must consider several key elements that play a vital role in shaping these systems:
- Governance
- Policy Frameworks
- Financial Sustainability
- Resource Allocation
- Collaboration
This multifaceted approach to understanding resilience allows for a comprehensive strategy in health system development.
Governance and Policy Frameworks
If you want your health system to be resilient, you need to ensure that robust governance and sound policy frameworks are in place. Effective governance involves not only strategic oversight but also the empowerment of local health authorities to make decisions that best serve their populations. The policies that underpin health systems must be flexible enough to adapt to emerging challenges, including pandemics and economic crises.
Additionally, transparent decision-making processes and stakeholder engagement are integral to building trust within the community. Your governance structures should promote accountability and encourage feedback from both health workers and the public, ensuring that policies remain relevant and effective in the face of unforeseen circumstances.
Financial Sustainability and Resource Allocation
Assuming financial sustainability is a foundational pillar for resilient health systems, it’s crucial that adequate resources are allocated to meet both current and future healthcare needs. You should scrutinise funding modalities and ensure that they are directed towards vital areas that enhance system strength, such as infrastructure, human resources, and technology. An effective resource allocation strategy can determine your health system’s capacity to respond to crises and maintain crucial services.
To succeed in financial sustainability, it is imperative that you prioritise investment in preventive care and community health initiatives. Underfunding these areas can result in significant long-term costs for your health system. Additionally, consider exploring diverse financing options, including public-private partnerships, which can bolster your system’s financial base. An effective allocation of resources not only promotes equity and access but also enhances the overall resilience of your health framework, allowing you to better navigate challenges as they arise.
How to Build Resilient Health Systems
Clearly, building resilient health systems is paramount for ensuring a responsive and robust healthcare environment capable of withstanding various challenges, including pandemics, natural disasters, and sudden shifts in population health needs. A resilient health system not only effectively manages immediate health crises but also lays the groundwork for long-term sustainability and adaptability, fostering an environment where health services can continue to operate under stress. This involves a multi-faceted approach that integrates resources, technology, and human capital, all while maintaining a clear focus on the health outcomes of the population.
In achieving an effective health system, the coordination of various elements such as policy-making, financing, and service delivery is vital. Thus, it becomes imperative to ensure that health systems are designed with flexibility in mind, enabling them to evolve according to the changing needs and expectations of the communities they serve. By promoting collaboration between public and private sectors and engaging a broad array of stakeholders, resilient health systems can be established that prioritise equitable access and quality care.
Engaging Stakeholders Effectively
You play a pivotal role in engaging stakeholders to create a robust health system. Effective stakeholder engagement means identifying key partners including healthcare professionals, policymakers, community organisations, and the public. It is vital to communicate clearly and frequently, establishing trust and fostering teamwork throughout the entire health landscape. Regular dialogue allows for the sharing of ideas and concerns, ultimately leading to shared ownership of health priorities and strategies. Involving stakeholders in decision-making processes ensures that the systems developed reflect the true needs and nuances of the communities they are intended to serve.
Moreover, cultivating strong relationships with your stakeholders enhances the sustainability of initiatives aimed at improving health systems. Engaging in active listening and collaborative problem-solving fosters a culture of inclusivity and respect. You can benefit from leveraging local knowledge and expertise, and in doing so, catalyse innovative solutions that are both creative and effective, ultimately leading to a better health system.
Implementing Evidence-Based Practices
Stakeholders are responsible for implementing evidence-based practices, which are vital for driving improvements in health systems. It is vital to integrate the best available research evidence into clinical decision-making and healthcare policies. By using data-driven strategies, you can ensure that interventions are not just implemented but are also evaluated for their effectiveness, allowing for ongoing improvements and refinements to service delivery. This provides a structure for moving away from anecdotal practices towards more scientifically validated approaches that can significantly enhance patient outcomes.
Effectively utilising evidence-based practices requires a strong commitment to continuous learning and adaptation. Health professionals and organisations should prioritise up-to-date training and education, encouraging them to seek out and apply new findings from research and clinical studies. Establishing a culture of inquiry within your health system enables quick adoption of successful practices while simultaneously identifying and mitigating potential risks, all of which contribute positively to the overall health landscape.
Tips for Coordinated Responses in Health Systems
Keep in mind the following strategies to enhance the coordination of your health system responses:
- Focus on establishing clear roles and responsibilities.
- Encourage ongoing training and capacity building.
- Promote inter-sectoral collaboration.
- Share data and insights regularly across stakeholders.
- Engage the community to foster trust and support.
This approach will not only improve your health system’s effectiveness but also build a foundation for sustained resilience.
Establishing Effective Communication Channels
If you want to facilitate a smooth and efficient health crisis response, establishing effective communication channels is imperative. Clear and concise communication ensures that all stakeholders are informed, reducing the chances of miscommunication and enhancing the overall operation of your health response. Regular updates, shared among all participants, can help in synchronising actions and keeping the focus on the common goals of your health systems.
In addition, adopting a multi-channel approach—utilising emails, instant messaging, and formal reports—can help cater to the varying preferences of stakeholders. Make sure to gather feedback to adjust your communication methods accordingly to fit evolving needs. This proactive approach will not only strengthen relationships but also prepare your health system for future challenges.
Leveraging Technology for Enhanced Collaboration
An effective way to improve collaboration within your health system is by leveraging technology. Utilising digital platforms and tools can significantly streamline communication, foster teamwork, and enhance information sharing among professionals. Tools such as collaborative project management software or data-sharing platforms facilitate transparency and enable real-time updates, ensuring everyone is working with the latest information.
Collaboration through technology allows your health system to effectively connect various stakeholders, streamline processes, and quickly adapt to changing situations. For example, virtual meetings and telehealth solutions allow for comprehensive discussions and consultations without geographical hindrances. The potential to share critical data across borders can improve your capacity to respond to health crises even faster. Additionally, security features in modern technologies should be prioritised to protect sensitive patient information, mitigating risks associated with data breaches. Always ensure that your technology choices enhance accessibility while maintaining robust security protocols in your health system.
Evaluating Resilience and Adaptability
Your ability to evaluate the resilience and adaptability of health systems is vital for ensuring that they can withstand and respond to crises. Resilience in healthcare implies a system’s capacity to absorb shocks, adapt to challenges, and drive recovery efforts effectively. To build a robust health system, it is important to focus on both qualitative and quantitative measures that underscore operational efficiency, stakeholder engagement, and the system’s capacity to learn from past experiences.
Your approach should incorporate feedback mechanisms that facilitate continuous evaluation and adjustment. Through simulations, scenario-based assessments, and stakeholder interviews, you can gain insights into how well the system has performed during stress events. This conscious back-and-forth process ultimately leads to a healthier and more prepared health system that safeguards public wellbeing.
Metrics for Assessment
With various metrics available, it is imperative to utilise a combination of both performance indicators and qualitative assessments to gauge resilience effectively. Key performance indicators such as patient outcomes, resource allocation efficiency, and healthcare service accessibility are important metrics to consider. Additionally, qualitative factors, including stakeholder satisfaction surveys and community engagement levels, provide a deeper understanding of the health system’s adaptability and trustworthiness.
With the right metrics in place, you can benchmark progress over time, identifying areas for enhancement and ensuring that health systems are not only responsive but also capable of evolving in the face of emerging challenges. This data-driven approach empowers you to instigate informed policy changes that can significantly improve health system resilience.
Continuous Improvement Strategies
Some effective strategies for continuous improvement include fostering a culture of open communication, encouraging innovative practices, and implementing training programs focused on crisis management. By prioritising ongoing education and professional development, you strengthen the capabilities of healthcare professionals, ensuring they are equipped to tackle unforeseen challenges effectively.
The key to developing a more adaptable health system lies in integrating lessons learned into everyday practices. This might involve establishing dedicated task forces to analyse past incidents, soliciting feedback from frontline employees, or leveraging technology for data analytics. By focusing on continuous improvement, you ensure that your health system not only survives crises but also flourishes in its aftermath. This proactive stance is instrumental in building public confidence and promoting a healthier society overall.
Future Directions for Health System Resilience
Despite the challenges faced during recent health crises, there remains a significant opportunity to enhance the resilience of health systems across Europe. You may find it insightful to explore the Building a European Health Union initiative, which aims to coalesce efforts among member states, strengthening not only the capability to respond to future health emergencies but also ensuring a consistently high standard of care throughout the continent. Emphasising collaboration and unity among countries is imperative as health threats know no borders, requiring a unified approach to healthcare delivery. Understanding these future directions will equip you with the insights necessary to navigate evolving health landscapes.
Innovations in Health Care Delivery
Now, the integration of innovative technologies in health care delivery is swiftly transforming the way services are provided. From telemedicine to AI-driven diagnostics, these advancements enable you to access healthcare more efficiently during challenging times. Innovations like remote consultations can significantly reduce the burden on physical healthcare facilities while providing timely medical support, enhancing patient outcomes. As such technologies continue to develop, you will likely see a shift towards a more patient-centred healthcare model, empowering individuals to take charge of their own health.
Strengthening International Collaboration
An imperative component of building resilient health systems is the enhancement of international collaboration. This involves sharing knowledge, resources, and best practices among nations to tackle shared health challenges effectively. As you consider the importance of such partnerships, it becomes evident that collaborative efforts can lead to more rapid responses in times of crisis, and ensure that there is a collective approach in maintaining public health. Strengthening these ties is vital, especially as globalisation continues to influence health dynamics.
It is imperative to recognise that effective international collaboration not only supports immediate responses to health emergencies but also paves the way for long-term strategic planning. By pooling resources and expertise, countries can identify emerging public health threats, thus preventing potential future crises. This global solidarity is not just beneficial but necessary, as it strengthens your local health systems while ensuring a resilient response to health challenges faced worldwide. Ultimately, reinforcing international connections will allow you to contribute to a more stable and healthy future for everyone.
To wrap up
Taking this into account, you should recognise that building resilient health systems is not just a goal but a necessity in the face of evolving global health challenges. By fostering coordinated responses across Europe, you can ensure that resources are optimally shared, knowledge is effectively exchanged, and best practices are implemented to enhance your health sector’s robustness. It is vital that you actively contribute to these collaborative efforts, whether through local initiatives or wider networks, to create a more united and prepared healthcare system.
Your role in this process involves advocating for policies that support integration, investment in health infrastructure, and strengthening partnerships across borders. By prioritising these aspects, you can help cultivate a health system that adapts swiftly to changing circumstances, ultimately safeguarding the wellbeing of your community and beyond. Engaging with policymakers, healthcare providers, and fellow citizens will empower you to influence the direction of health system resilience, ensuring that your voice is part of the collective endeavour towards a healthier Europe.
FAQ
Q: What are resilient health systems?
A: Resilient health systems are those that can effectively respond to a wide range of challenges, including emergencies, pandemics, and changing health needs. They maintain crucial services during crises while being adaptable to recover from disruptions. Key components include strong leadership, efficient resource management, and integrated health services that ensure continuity and accessibility for all populations.
Q: How can European countries improve their coordinated response to health crises?
A: Improving coordinated responses in Europe requires enhanced communication and collaboration among countries. Establishing common protocols for data sharing, aligning public health guidelines, and creating joint training programmes for healthcare professionals are crucial. Additionally, fostering strong partnerships between governmental agencies and public health organisations can help streamline efforts to address health emergencies across borders.
Q: What role do technology and data play in building resilient health systems?
A: Technology and data are vital for building resilient health systems as they enable real-time monitoring of health trends and facilitate rapid responses to emerging threats. Advanced data analytics can help in predicting outbreaks and understanding public health needs. Moreover, telehealth services can improve access to care, especially during crises when physical access to healthcare facilities may be limited.
Q: How can community engagement contribute to health system resilience?
A: Community engagement is crucial for health system resilience as it fosters trust and encourages local populations to participate in health initiatives. Involving communities in decision-making processes enhances awareness about health issues and ensures that services are tailored to meet local needs. Strengthened community ties can also facilitate better compliance with health measures during crises, ultimately enhancing overall public health outcomes.
Q: What are the main challenges faced by European countries in achieving coordinated health responses?
A: European countries face several challenges in achieving coordinated health responses, including disparate healthcare policies, varying levels of funding, and differences in public health capacities. Cultural differences and language barriers can impede effective communication among nations. Additionally, the varying degrees of commitment to collaboration at political and organisational levels can hinder unified efforts to build resilient health systems across the continent.
Health & Society
Socioeconomic inequalities drive significant gaps in access to mental health care across the European Union
A study presented at the European Psychiatric Association Congress 2025 reveals deep socioeconomic inequalities in reported need for mental health care across the European Union. The research highlights how financial barriers disproportionately affect lower-income individuals, with significant disparities also linked to education level, whether the person lives in a city or in the countryside, and geographic location.
Led by Dr. João Vasco Santos, a public health physician, health economist, and professor at the University of Porto, the cross-sectional analysis used data from the 2019 European Health Interview Survey (EHIS), covering 26 EU member states. The survey among others asked participants whether they had gone without needed mental health care in the previous 12 months due to financial constraints.
Measuring Unmet Needs: A Financial Lens
The EHIS captures self-reported experiences, focusing specifically on financial reasons as a barrier including to accessing mental health services.
Across the EU, the proportion of self-reported unmet needs for mental health care varied widely — from as low as 1.1% in Romania to as high as 27.8% in Portugal, with a median of 3.6%.
Dr. Santos emphasized that while many European countries have moved toward mixed health systems — blending elements of Beveridge- and Bismarck-style models — financial protection remains inconsistent. Even in countries with universal coverage, out-of-pocket costs for medications, therapy, diagnostic testing, or medical devices can create substantial barriers.
“This is not just about whether care is public or private,” explained Dr. Santos. “Even in systems that are largely public, co-payments can be a burden. And sometimes, vulnerable groups—like migrants or asylum seekers—are excluded altogether.”
Cultural Perceptions Shape Reporting
One of the most striking findings was the stark contrast between Romania and Portugal. Dr. Santos cautioned against interpreting these figures at face value.
“It’s not just about the availability of services — it’s also about awareness and cultural perception,” he said. He noted that in Portugal, “we’re increasingly open about mental health and the mental health service.”
Portugal has been one of the countries that is spearheading the new perception of mental health care. “The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities laid the foundation for the much-needed paradigm shift in mental health. From an exclusively medical approach to one based on the respect of the human rights of persons with mental health conditions and psychosocial disabilities,” Ms Marta Temido, Minister of Health of Portugal told during a United Nations consultation meeting in 2021.
Ms Marta Temido stressed that “In Portugal, we have been making significant efforts to align our laws, policies and practice with human rights.”
She specifically pointed out that “We have clearly made an option for community-based mental health services instead of institutionalization. We have been improving access to outreach care, through the launching of community teams for adults and for children and adolescents.”
In countries like Romania, stigma remains high, and is influenced by a long history of institutionalized care that fails to meet basic human standards. It should be obvious that if the psychiatric system hasn’t evolved much beyond large psychiatric institutions with reported human rights violations, one might think twice before reporting need of help.
Dr. Santos noted that in countries where mental illness is stigmatized or misunderstood, individuals may avoid reporting symptoms altogether. In some cases, people may not perceive a need for care because of limited exposure to mental health education or fear of discrimination.
Education and Inequality
The study also revealed a strong correlation between educational attainment and unmet needs. In 15 out of 26 countries analyzed, individuals with only primary education were significantly more likely to report going without mental health care than those with tertiary education.
“In Bulgaria, Greece, Romania, and Slovakia, this disparity is especially pronounced,” Dr. Santos noted. The pictures across the European countries however is quite complex, as exemplified with France where the opposite is the case. In France people with tertiary education showed a higher unmet need of mental health care. This indicate that further studies may be needed which could look at adjusting for income and other factors. The study conducted only considered the educational related inequalities.
Pandemic Impact and Future Trends
Although the study drew on pre-pandemic data (from 2019), Dr. Santos warned that the pandemic likely exacerbated existing inequalities.
“We know that mental health deteriorated during the pandemic — there was increased violence, isolation, and trauma,” he said. “At the same time, access to care was disrupted. I suspect the next wave of data will show a rise in unmet needs, particularly among lower-income and marginalized groups.”
However, he stressed that longitudinal comparisons must be made carefully, noting that changes in survey design over time can affect results.
“The goal must be to leave no one behind,” Dr. João Vasco Santos
Policy Recommendations addressing socioeconomic inequalities
To address these systemic challenges, Dr. Santos outlined a series of priorities that require coordinated action at both national and regional levels.
First, he emphasized the importance of expanding universal coverage to ensure that all individuals — including migrants and asylum seekers — have access to essential mental health services without facing financial hardship. He called for reforms that would exempt low-income and chronically ill populations from co-payments, even in systems where care is otherwise publicly funded.
Second, he advocated for a shift toward community-based care models, which improve accessibility, reduce stigma, and foster integrated, person-centered treatment approaches.
Third, Dr. Santos underscored the need for national and regional mental health strategies that incorporate public education campaigns aimed at improving health literacy.
“The goal must be to leave no one behind,” he concluded. “Health is an investment — not just in individuals, but in the resilience and equity of society as a whole.”
Health & Society
More than 30 years of difference in life expectancy highlights health inequalities
The study of the World Health Organization (WHO) reveals that they can be responsible for a Spectacular reduction in life expectancy in rich and poor countries.
For example, People living in the country with the highest life expectancy will live on average 33 years more than those born in the country with the lowest life expectancy.
An unequal world
“Our world is uneven. Where we were born, grow, live, work and age considerably influence our health and well-being, “said Director General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus.
Health inequalities are closely linked to the degrees of social disadvantage and the levels of discrimination.
“” Health follows a social gradient by which the area in which people live more disadvantaged, the more their income is lowWho said.
Inequalities are particularly exacerbated in populations faced with discrimination and marginalization, such as indigenous peoples, who have lower expectations of life than their non -Aboriginal counterparts.
This is the case in high -income and low -income countries.
Key targets at risk
The study is the first to be published since 2008, when the WHO Social Health Determinants of Health Declines published its final reporting objectives for 2040 to reduce gaps between and within countries in life expectancy, childhood and maternal mortality.
It shows that these objectives are likely to be missed, and despite a rarity of data, there is sufficient evidence to show that health inequalities have often expanded.
For example, children born in poor countries are 13 times more likely to die before their fifth anniversary than in richer countries.
In addition, modeling shows that the life of nearly two million children per year could be saved by filling the gap and improving equity between the poorest and richest populations of the population in low and average income countries.
In addition, although maternal mortality has decreased by 40% between the 2000s and 2023, the majority of deaths, 94%, still occur in low and lower income countries.
Appeal to action
Who calls for collective action to deal with economic inequalities and invest in social infrastructure and universal public services.
The agency also recommends other stages, in particular on the survival of structural discrimination and the determinants and impacts of conflicts, emergencies and forced migration.
Originally published at Almouwatin.com
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